Kaza Malatya / Μελιτηνή – Melitene / Մալաթիա – Malat’ia / ܡܠܝܛܝܢܐ Malīṭīná

Introduction

On 5 March 1989, Marlene Petersen sent a copy of her father’s diary to Tessa Hofmann. From the summer of 1914 until 11 August 1915, Hans Bauernfeind († 1941) had been the deputy director of the mission of his brother-in-law, the German missionary Ernst Jacob Christoffel (4 Sept 1876 – 23 April 1955; today Christoffel-Blindenmission im Orient – Christoffel Mission for the Blind in the Orient). After his return from Turkey, Bauernfeind worked as a pastor in a tiny village in Thuringia. The diary he kept from 22 March to 30 August 1915 comprises 130 typewritten pages.

Bauernfeind’s chronicle concerns the individual stages of the Armenian extermination in the city of Malatya as well as on his return journey to Constantinople: weapons seizures, the arrest, torture and extermination of over two thousand Armenians of Malatya, the passage of at least 20000 deportees from the city and province of Sivas as well as 5600 from Mezre, labor battalions.

The diary is complemented by the book publications of the mission founder and leader Ernst Christoffel, who became an eyewitness to the effects or the final stage of the genocide from 1916 to 1918. Of his five publications describing events in the Ottoman Empire and in Malatya^[5], two are of particular importance for the history of this city and Christoffel’s missionary institution Bethesda: Aus dunklen Tiefen (From Dark Depths; Berlin 1921) contains Christoffel’s most comprehensive account of his relief work from April 1916 to February 1919 and was written under the impression of those years. “Zwischen Saat und Ernte” (Between seed and harvest; Berlin 1933) offers an overview of mission history and, from a greater temporal distance, adds further details to the Bethesda stage. Thus, on the basis of these texts, it is possible to gain an almost complete overview of the history of the Mission for the Blind and its Bethesda station in Malatya, which until now was considered the most unknown of the German mission stations in the Ottoman Empire.

The significance of Bauernfeind’s and Christoffel’s testimonies stems from the importance of Malatya in the course of the genocide program: located on the major caravan route leading from Samsun on the Black Sea coast to Baghdad, Malatya became an important transit station and gathering point for Armenian deportees from the northern and northeastern Vilayets. “Malatya,” Christoffel wrote in retrospect, “was one of the worst places. (…) The fanaticism of the cliqué that held sway in our city was greater and more bloodthirsty than in other places. Even when bread distribution and soup kitchens were later set up in other towns by missionaries, I should not have dared to do so outside the institution” (Tiefen, p. 29)

Armenian protagonists

Khoren

Himself almost blind, Khoren worked as a teacher for the blind in Bethesda. He often served as an interpreter for Bauernfeind in his conversations with Turkish officials. After Bauernfeind’s departure in August 1915 until Christoffel’s arrival in April 1916, Khoren and Makruhi ran the mission house together.

Khosrov Efendi Kesheshian

Khosrov Efendi, pharmacist at the site, was among the confidants of the Bethesda missionaries. He belonged to the party leadership of Dashnaktsutiun in Malatya and on 26 May 1915, he was one of the first Armenians of that city to be arrested, allegedly for hiding a rifle. After discharging a specially purchased weapon, he was released. On 29 May, Khosrov Efendi was summoned again. Bauernfeind stood up for the “friend of the house” Khosrov Efendi when he was arrested again, but was soon convinced by the Muhasebeci (Council of Accounts) that Khosrov was a dangerous revolutionary: “Not one to be trusted …” (Diary, 3 June 1915 ).

Under torture, Khosrov Efendi named “ (…) a place in Babukht (…) where weapons are said to be hidden. They took him there yesterday and dug for 4 hours in vain. Moreover, Khosrov Efendi is said to have taken poison (…)” (Diary, 8 June 1915 ). His suicide attempt failed. Hans Bauernfeind, in his letter to the Mutesarrıf of Malatya of 9 June 1915, also interceded for Khosrov Efendi – in vain. He was murdered in June 1915.

Gabriel Efendi

was a lawyer in Malatya and advised the German missionaries in legal disputes. In May 1915 he was thrown into prison. Hans Bauernfeind wrote in his diary on 29 May 1915: “On the way back I met Gabriel Eff(endi), who had also just come out of prison, from where he had been released on condition that he hand in a rifle by today. He now wanted to see about being able to buy or borrow one somewhere, otherwise he felt he would have to die.” Entry of 31 May: “Gabriel Effendi has handed over a rifle belonging to his deceased brother-in-law, since he claims not to have one himself – which we believe him to have – is thereupon released for the time being; but his own is demanded. He has also been beaten, though in the lightest way, with a few weak blows to the head; this seems particularly crude because, as a lawyer, he has devoted his whole life to the government and is regarded by the Armenians as half a Turk.”

On 13 June 1915, Gabriel Efendi was thrown back into prison. He was not to leave it alive.

Garabed (Karapet) Chaderdjian

was the cook and buyer of the Mission for the Blind in Bethesda since about 1910 and lived in the Mission building with his wife Makruhi and his children Willi (Chad, proper Chaderdjian, died in the USA in 1989 ) and Viktoria. Garabed had “(…) by his faithfulness and his agility (…) a great merit in the development of Bethesda” (Tiefen, p. 16 ).

On 6 April 1915 he was arrested and disarmed (he exercised gendarme function), but was released for the time being. In June 1915, Garabed, like the other Armenian men of Malatya, was killed. Bauernfeind’s clumsiness and faith in authority possibly prevented his rescue (Diary, 19 April 1915).

Heinz, Otto and Liesel

are the three “adopted children” of Ernst Christoffel, whom he had taken in at Bethesda after his return in 1916. Heinz, about 9 years old in 1919, was a brother of the murdered Bethesda employee Krikor (Grigor). “From a numerous family he and a sister, who found themselves after our departure, were left. When I returned to Malatya in the spring of 1916, I heard that he was tending sheep for a Kurdish farmer. I had taken him out of this slave relationship” (Tiefen, p. 77f. ).

Otto, an Armenian seven years old at the time, had been brought to Bethesda in 1916 by a Turkish woman who had picked him up on the street and taken care of him. “He had completely forgotten his Armenian language and believed himself to be a Turk” (Tiefen, p. 78).

When Christoffel wanted to bring his “adopted children” to Germany in 1919, Otto’s stepbrother, Baron (Paron – “Mister”) David, took Otto to live with him. Heinz was also taken from Christoffel at the instigation of the British Embassy and the Armenian Patriarchate of Constantinople, which Christoffel felt was unjust. As Bauernfeind’s daughter informed in a letter dated 1 January 1990, Otto did later reach Germany and was adopted by Christoffel’s sister Maria, which was denied to Christoffel because of the German adoption laws. Under the name Otto Christoffel, the young Armenian became a teacher for the deaf and dumb and lived as a pensioner in Neuwied in 1990.

Liesel, a Kurdish girl about six years old in 1919, had already come to Bethesda as an infant. Christoffel was able to bring her to Germany in 1919 as the only one of his “adopted children”.

Krikor (Grigor)

Ernst Christoffel described him as follows: “Krikor was actually the stable boy, but had gradually become the boy for everything through his attitude. Stable, garden, yard, vineyard, that was all his domain. In addition, he still found time to keep my private room in order and to look after me. He had hot, boiling blood, and he did not know how to be irascible; besides, he was easy to guide like a child, was as faithful as gold and had a deep, infinitely sensitive mind” (Tiefen, p. 16f. ).

In 1915 Krikor might have been about 18 years old. On 27 May 1915 he was “soldiered” (Diary, 27 May 1915), on 4 June he was arrested and locked up in the barracks. On 7 June, Bauernfeind managed to get him out again. But on 30 June, Krikor met the general fate of his compatriots in Malatya – he was imprisoned in a han (karavanserai, inn) together with other Armenian soldiers, including his seventeen-year-old brother, and murdered shortly afterwards.

Dr. Mikael Efendi Chanian

The businessman Dr. Mikael Chanian, brother of Khosrov Efendi, married to wife Veronika, belonged to the Protestant community of Malatya. On 7 June 1915, Dr. Mikael and his son Mihran were arrested and “(…) put into the prison where 150 people are crammed into a very small, low room without windows and any ventilation (…) “ (Diary, 8 June 1915).

Hans Bauernfeind interceded, unsuccessfully, on behalf of Dr. Mikael and his son. Both were murdered in June 1915. Mrs. Veronika tried to escape to Mezre on 13 June 1915. On the way there she was completely robbed. Hans Bauernfeind saw her again – she was among the deportees from Mezre who passed through Malatya on 13 July 1915.

Badveli (Patveli) Trdat Tamrazian (Tamzarian)

the Protestant pastor in Malatya, had given Bethesda the adjacent properties. In June 1915, ‘Badveli’ (pastor) Tamrazsian repeatedly and insistently urged Bauernfeind and his wife to preach and assist the prisoners with him in prison: “We very much recognize his intention, but consider both as impossible as they are futile, just now.” (Diary, p. 32 ). Badveli Tamrasian was arrested in June 1915 and probably fell victim to the massacres. However, the 1918 report of the American consul Davis mentions a “Badveli Dertad Tamzarian” who helped him care for survivors in Harput in 1916.^[11]

Turkish (Muslim) protagonists

Habeş / Habesh (“Ethiopian”)

He was a blind Turk and one of the oldest Bethesda infants. He provided invaluable service to the mission during the most difficult times: During the mass arrests of Armenians in May and June 1915, when they dared not send the station’s Armenian employees to the market, Habeş did all the shopping despite his blindness. At the time of the great famine in Malatya, in 1916 and 1917, Christoffel succeeded in getting his protégés through, not least thanks to Habeş: “The connections of our blind Habesh often served us well. He knew how to find and buy from his acquaintances a bushel of barley here and a sack of corn or a cartload of pumpkins there” ( Tiefen, p. 32 ).

When Christoffel had to leave Bethesda in February 1919, Habeş was already deathly ill in bed and died of consumption a few weeks later. Christoffel wrote in 1921: “We will keep him in grateful memory as one who remained faithful to Bethesda in the most difficult times and served despite the scorn and hostility of many of his fellow Mohammedans” ( Tiefen, p. 15 ).

Hashim / Haşim Beg

Turkish landowner, neighbor of Bethesda, and influential man in Malatya, was, according to Mustafa Ağa, among the masterminds of the arrests and massacres. Haşim Beg took direct advantage of this: He and his sons enriched themselves with the properties of the killed Armenians (Diary, 8 July 1915 ). In retrospect, Christoffel stated, “It was one of the first families in the city (…). The father [Haşim Beg], who was a deputy, and two of his sons were among the leaders of the clique that had orchestrated the extermination of Christians in Malatya” (Tiefen, p. 62 ).

Müfettiş (Inspector, overseer)

Although mentioned only twice in Bauernfeind’s diary, this inspector, sent from Constantinople, seems to have been central to the course of the genocidal program in Malatya, a connection that Bauernfeind, however, failed to grasp. The Müfettiş, whom Raymond Kévorkian identified as Boşnak (Bosnian) Resneli Nazim Bey^[12], arrived at the time of the inter-regnum between the terms of the two Mutesarrıfs, apparently as a deportation inspector. The period of his stay in Malatya saw the mass house searches, arrests, torture, and murder of the city’s Armenian men. Because of his apparently outstanding position, the Müfettiş was passed away with great pomp in Malatya on 6 June 1915, with the simultaneous release of prisoners who took over the bloody massacre work shortly thereafter.

Muhasebeci (Accountant, bookkeeper)

Accountant in Malatya, is mentioned several times in Bauernfeind’s diary. Bauernfeind was on quite familiar terms with him. Muhasebeci was one of those who successfully conveyed the official Turkish propaganda on the Armenian question to Bauernfeind time and again.

Mustafa Ağa Aziz Oğlu (Belediye Reisi)

The Belediye reisi (city leader, mayor) of Malatya was of outstanding importance for the fate of Bethesda and its inhabitants. Ernst Christoffel wrote about him: “He was the mayor of Malatya and came from a noble family that had immigrated from Baghdad some time ago. (…) Mustafa Ağa was an old friend of Bethesda. Since the beginning of the work, he had sponsored it. He had stood up for us and our work in many difficult situations, especially at the time of the Adana massacres in 1909. Christians and missionaries were also to be massacred in Malatya at that time. At that time Mustafa Ağa said to me, ‘As long as I live, nothing will happen to you.’ However, as it became known later, on the list of those to be murdered before the general massacre, his name was even before ours. – The relatively quiet development of Bethesda until the outbreak of the World War would have been inconceivable without his active benevolence, and we have always considered it a kindness of God that our work had such friends” (Tiefen, p. 64).

Shortly after the arrival of the Christoffel brothers and sisters in Malatya in 1909, Mustafa Ağa’s humanistic attitude was revealed to them: His name was on the blacklist of personalities to be murdered because he belonged to the “(…) influential Turks” who “were known to be committed to the peace of the nations” (Saat, p. 66 ). It was through Mustafa Ağa that the newcomers first learned of the “Cilician bloodbaths”: “He (Mustapha Agha, ed.) told me (…) that Christian massacres had taken place in Cilicia, Adana and Tarsus, to which many thousands of Christians had fallen victim. Since our friend as a true Oriental tended to exaggeration, I did not give full credence to his messages. Nevertheless, the said corresponded to the facts, yes it remained still far behind the bloody reality” (Saat, p. 65 ).

Hans Bauernfeind experienced many situations with Mustafa Ağa that resembled the one described above from 1909. Again, the mayor was the first and only one who tried to make the Germans understand the scope of the events right at the beginning of the Armenian persecutions and to inform them about what was happening in the city. Again, he encountered doubts in their minds about his credibility. But Bauernfeind, unlike Christoffel, was not able or willing to understand how much Mustafa Ağa’s alleged Cassandra calls corresponded to the “bloody reality” until his departure in August 1915. Moreover, the clearer the signs of a general extermination and deportation of Malatya’s Armenians became, the more obviously Mustafa Ağa’s information was supported by reality, the more decisively Hans Bauernfeind labeled the mayor as insane.

In his diary, Bauernfeind often criticized Mustafa Ağa’s pro-Armenian stance and did not consider him a reliable source of information. He was “(…) completely under the Armenian influence and on their side” (Diary, 9 June 1915 ), indeed he was “(…) hated and endangered because of his Christian friendliness as ‘Gavur‘” (Diary, 7 July 1915). The upright mayor, who clearly saw the catastrophe awaiting the Armenian people, did not understand the passive attitude of the German missionaries. For statements such as “The Armenians are all waiting for you to redeem them” (Diary, 9 June 1915), he earned only incomprehension from Bauernfeind.

Mustafa Ağa did not limit himself to commenting on what was happening; he actively saved the lives of many Armenians. After Christoffel’s return, he stood by his side in the struggle to save Bethesda and supported him materially. In 1921, he was assassinated by one of his sons for his efforts on behalf of the Armenian “Gavurs” (infidels).

Mutesarrıf

Hans Bauernfeind experienced the tenure of two mutesarrıfs (district governors) during his time in Malatya. The “old” mutesarrıif, a 57-year-old Turk named Muhaf , was recalled to Constantinople on 3 June 1915 – allegedly due to an intrigue of the Vali (governor) of Mezre (Diary, 21 May 1915 ). According to a later version, he had been recalled “(…) according to a new law that stipulates that officials who hold office for more than 25 years must be recalled and first examined in Constantinople about their fitness to serve” (Diary 28 May 1915 ). The “old mutesarrıf” never once criticized the mass arrests, tortures and murders of Armenian men that were already taking place on a large scale in May and June 1915. Rather, he tried to convince his ‘friend’ Bauernfeind of the guilt of the Armenians and to dissuade him from any pro-Armenian action: “I spoke privately with old Mutesarrıf about all the cases [of arrests]. He strongly advised me against advocating for anyone. Everything was going according to the enacted laws (…) “ (Diary, 1 June 1915 ). Bauernfeind maintained a very close relationship with this mutesarrıf: he visited him and his wife regularly and affectionately called him “our mutesarrıf.” When the Bauernfeinds stopped briefly in Constantinople on their way back to Germany in August 1915, they nevertheless found time to visit “their mutesarrıf” twice.

During the short interregnum until the arrival of the new mutesarrıf, the kaymakam (district administrator ) of Arrha (Arga), Vasfi Bey, conducted the official business, which consisted mainly of organizing the mass arrests and murders of Armenian men. It was to him that Bauernfeind addressed his protest letter of 9 June 1915, in which he objected to the arrest of Protestant Armenians and to ‘excesses’ in the arrests in Malatya.

When the new mutesarrıf finally arrived from Constantinople on 20 June 1915, there were already “(…) hardly any free Armenians (…)” (Diary, 23 June 1915) in Malatya. This act of the Armenian tragedy was over in Malatya. It was now incumbent upon the new mutesarrıf to murder the Armenian prisoners and labor soldiers and to carry out the deportation of the rest of Malatya’s Armenian population.

The new mutesarrıf, a 45-year-old Kurd, arrived from Constantinople with his wife and five children. Right after their first, brief meeting, Bauernfeind was taken with him: “I did not dislike the new mutesarrıf (…). He is not one of the modern chatterers, but obviously a man of inner education and serious outlook on life” (Diary, 22 June 1915). After the second meeting, Bauernfeind, already more euphoric, wrote: “We liked him again very much. Earnest , friendly, manly, polite and educated from within, warm German friend. He comes from a distinguished Kurdish family from the Muş region” (Diary, 23 June 1915).

Bauernfeind’s enthusiasm for the new mutesarrıf was not dampened by the fact that his term of office included the mass murder of Malatya’s male Armenians, including those of his associates Krikor and Garabed. The psychologically skillful official easily managed to wrap the naive and obedient pastor Bauernfeind around his finger and influence him: The mutesarrif was infinitely sorry that “(…) the whole [Armenian] people had to suffer for the sake of a few guilty people, but as long as everything had not come to light, the greatest leniency lay in severity. He implored us to help him, to tell him everything we thought and knew. (…) for the sake of truth and justice he would do his duty” (Diary, 24 June 1915). A few days later, the massacre of the Armenians of Malatya began. Hans Bauernfeind wrote in his diary that the mutesarrıf was “ashamed of himself” but that he was “completely in the hands of the people” (Diary, 2 July 1915).

On 10 July 1915, the mutesarrıf prepared Bauernfeind for the imminent deportation of all Malatya’s Armenians to “Urfa” by dishing up a new Armenian conspiracy legend. Bauernfeind had great sympathy – for the mutesarrıf: “He made a seriously ill impression. (…) the whole man within the short time of his being here completely exhausted and broken” (Diary, 10 July 1915 ).

This deliberate ignoring of the obvious connection between the events in Malatya and the responsibility that the Mutesarrıf, as the highest official in the city, had to bear for them, determined Bauernfeind’s attitude until his departure. “The matter is becoming clearer and clearer to us that the mass murders and other illegalities occurred only during the time of the deputy and still staged by him, in the days of the serious illness of the Mutesarrif“ (Diary, 5 August 1915). Bauernfeind’s final impression: “A strict, just, incorruptible official (…)” (Diary, 11 August 1915).

With regard to the assessment of this Mutesarrıf, there is a clear contrast between Bauernfeind’s statements and those of Christoffel: For Christoffel, the Mutesarrıf was not a “warm German friend” but a member of a “German-hostile clique” and “hostile to Germany and Christians” (Saat, p. 20).

Commander Nadin Beg

The gendarmerie (zaptiye) commander of Malatya, described by Bauernfeind as a ” (…) fine, cheerful and yet serious man (…) “ (Diary, 26 May 1915), directed the arrests and torture of Malatya’s Armenian men until his recall to Mezre on 17 June. On 6 August, he returned ” (…) increased in rank to Malatya” (Diary, 8 August 1915 ).

Other

Mary Louise Graffam
(11 May 1871 – 17 August 1921)

The American teacher appeared in Hans Bauernfeind’s life and diary on 21 July 1915. She was an employee of the American mission in Sivas and accompanied the Sivas Armenians on their deportation train. In Malatya, she was barred from going any further. M. Graffam remained in Bethesda and was prepared to continue running the home after the Bauernfeinds left.  But the mutesarrıf curtly forbade her to remain in Malatya. She therefore traveled with the Bauernfeinds to Sivas and stayed there to care for Armenian orphans at the Swiss Orphanage, by then run by the American Mission.

Bauernfeind entered in his diary on 17 August 1915: “Miss Graffen [sic!] was also with Vali yesterday. (…) He does not want Miss Graffen to travel with us to Constantinople now. She should stay here [in Sivas] for a while: he wants to come to her and settle the matter of the orphans with her” (p. 119f.). When Ernst Christoffel traveled home in February 1919, he met her, the “present head of the American mission station” (Tiefen, p. 92) still in Sivas: “Miss G.[raffam] was overwhelmed with work. She was alone in the station. After the opening of the orphanage, scattered Armenian orphans accumulated from all over the district. Soon there were several hundred, and new ones were arriving daily” (Christoffel, Tiefen. p.92)

Mary Graffam recorded her experiences in Turkey in 1919.^[13]  Her description of the deportation of the Sivas Armenians, whom she had accompanied to Malatya, gives a completely different picture than the one conveyed by Bauernfeind. She writes of mass murders and mistreatment already on their way to Malatya. It will probably remain uncertain whether she herself considered it appropriate to convey a harmless version to Bauernfeind, or whether Bauernfeind intervened in a censoring manner.

She also described her three-week stay in Malatya: “The governor in Malatya ordered Miss Graffam to appear before him. The following day she helplessly looked out from a nearby orphanage and watched as her girls and people filed by. (…) For three weeks, Mary L. Graffam remained in Malatya, which she thought to be the counterpart of the worst description of hell. The sights were terrible. At first, the Turks murdered the Armenians in the street. There was so much blood, though, that they strangled the victims with ropes and took them away at night. They left most unburied. Every afternoon, two or three thousand Armenians passed Miss Graffam’s house. She kept carbolic acid on the window sills to keep the stench of the dead from drifting in the house. The sky was black with birds and there were hosts of dogs, feeding on the bodies. ‘You could tell,’ she added, ‘where a massacre had taken place by the migration of birds and dogs.’”^[14]  

1- Disarmament, house searches, arrests, torture and massacre of men

2 April 1915 – (…) Earlier an Armenian priest was here (representative of the Vardapet). With him, of course, we talked about war, mobilization, etc. Of the 700 Armenians who were drafted in Malatya, more than 150 are already dead, mostly as a result of diseases, i. e. lack of care. Appalling conditions! (…) (page 3)

16 April 1915 – (…) Last night Garabed [Karapet] (our cook and buyer) came back without a gun. He had been put in jail in the morning with a bang, his rifle and sidearm had been taken from him, he had not been given anything to eat all day, and when he wanted to go to the privy, he had been given a zaptiye. His superior was in Arshadagh [Akçadağ], and his deputy claimed to have received a telegram from Adiaman [Adıyaman] saying that Garabed had to leave for there this morning. So that he would not escape, he thought it necessary to lock him up, all without offering any opportunity to give notice. Thus, he would have been deported directly from the prison to Adiaman this morning if his commander had not returned last night and pointed out that, because he had been placed at the disposal of the Germans, he could not be sent away without first submitting the matter to the Mutesarrıf. So, he was released in the evening. (…) (page 6)

19 April 1915 – (…) A new decree has arrived according to which Armenians, i.e. Christian Ottoman nationals, are no longer allowed to carry weapons at all, but may only be used for work. Gar(abed) therefore cannot continue to be Zaptiye, but the government can use him at will for its purposes. The commander made us the extremely kind offer to put Garabed completely at our disposal. However, we declined with thanks, partly in order not to take up too much of the government’s time, but especially for our and Gar(abed’s) sake, because there is not enough work for Gar(abed) now. If we were to employ him again, there would infallibly be quarrels and jealousies, and Gar(abed), although his whole family enjoys free station here and he was not sent to war only for our sake, would silently base salary claims on it. However, we have asked that Garabed remains here, that is, that he not be sent away, and that he be placed at our disposal as often as we need him. This was gladly granted to us. (…) (page 6 f.)

4 May 1915 – The government seems to have lost all confidence in the Armenians. When we visited Khosrov Efendi (pharmacist, house friend) on Sunday, the old mother, whom we met alone at home, told us that the government had organized house searches in many Armenian houses, including theirs. They are looking for weapons, books, newspapers, letters and fugitives. Several arrests have already been made. The Armenian population is understandably aroused. (…) (page 7 f.)

10 May 1915 – (…) One thing is for sure: the government is conducting strict house searches here, proceeding in an indecent manner, which must arouse bitterness among the people. I was in the city, the Armenian people are agitated and fearful. The worst are the women, who let their evil tongues work and cannot distinguish truth from lies. (…) (page 9)

16 May 1915 – The house searches and  arrests continue. A very good girl [Veronika], Sabbathist (Bonapartian family), has been led captive to Mezereh because some written Armenian songs composed by her preacher have been found with her. As far as we can judge the matter, a quite harmless thing and a cruel abuse by the government. The desertion has degenerated into a kind of hide-and-seek with the government. One of our men, stonemason Megrdich Varbed [Mrktich Varpet], was found here a few days ago in the course of a search for weapons, as a result of the testimony of a child, in a storage box, after having been in hiding for 7 months. A cousin of our acquaintance Bardrian, Yedvard, was captured the day before yesterday with some friends. Such people are then held captive for some time, sent to Mezereh, etc., until they repeat their game. (…) (page 9)

17 May 1915 – (…) The girl (…) is to be sentenced to three months in prison. The songbook in question contained two revolutionary songs. She had bought it from a 24-year-old man. The latter went unpunished because he was officially registered as 16 years old. This practice of reducing age is a common bad habit in this country. It is intended to be advantageous for military service. The girl had added spiritual songs in handwriting behind the existing songs. (…) (page 12)

According to the latest rumors, as has often been told, Dr. Micael [Mikael] is again in prison in Erzurum. Prof. Samuel [Tamrazian], son of the local Badveli [protestant preacher], who studied music in Charlottenburg [Berlin], was here for some time the other day and is now back in Harput, is also said to be imprisoned. Now the 18/19 year olds are also to be drafted, this would also affect Kirkor [Krikor or Grigor]. (page 12)

26 May 1915 – (…) The Müfettiş [inspector; deportation inspector?] from Constantinople, who is here and lives at Haşim Bey, is the most pleasant, finely educated and manly Turkish official we have ever seen. One just felt like being with a fine German official, such as a school councilor. (…) A downside to the above: The arbitrariness with which almost every day some Armenians are imprisoned and put on trial for no apparent reason, yesterday twelve, including the pharmacist Khosrov Ef(endi), begins to alienate us more and more. – Krikor is to be written as a soldier at the efforts of the Muhasebeci [Council of Accounts], but for the workers’ group and in such a way that he will be made available to us as a worker. The matter is in the hands of the gendarmerie commander. (…) (page 12 f.)

27 May 1915 – I had hardly been to the commander yesterday when Krikor was also brought to the regiment to be written up as a soldier there immediately and without the slightest difficulty. He was immediately transferred to us for any use, and is only to pick up his three soldier sandwiches every day. He is happy, his parents even more so, of course. And for us it is also extremely favorable. It is true that Krikor had given cause for many complaints in the last time, but he is now, of course, taking it very easy, since he is completely in our hands and knows quite well that if we dismissed him, he would be sent away immediately. (…) (page 13)

(…) Now the government must also have the poor searched, whereas up to now all the strict extortion measures – imprisonment, beatings, etc. – were applied only against the “better” classes. Weapons are also dug out of the fields. The Armenians betray each other. (page 13 f.)

28 May 1915 – (…) The Muhasebeci asked today to be allowed to stay with us for eight to 14 days with his family. The reason he gave is as follows: he lives opposite the prison; Armenians are now beaten up there every night, apparently often excessively, because a rather old Armenian priest (Catholic) has died as a result. They could not bear that anymore. (…) The violent measures against Armenians naturally, since the justified distrust is there, also often hit innocent people, although we have no proof for it so far. Because the rumors among the people …., well, one could write books about it! But it seems to happen that people secretly buy guns in order to be able to deliver some, if they are to be forced by beating and prison to it. (page 14 f.)

31 May 1915 – (…) The girl is sentenced to one year in prison. (…) In any case, the girl is to be kept in solitary confinement, not together with the mostly horribly depraved other women. The case is considered so serious because the girl’s brother is supposed to have gone over to the Russians, about which the mother said nothing. After all, one can no longer believe anyone here. (…) (page 16)

9 June 1915 – Today we called up the Armenian city doctor and let him tell us about everything, especially about the case of Khosrov Efendi. The latter had actually tried to poison himself, had taken a huge can of morphine, had also tried to cut his wrist with a piece of tin. Just in case, he also had strychnine and arsenic with him. The city doctor, who was quickly summoned, was just able to save his life. Reasons: “My people throw all the blame on me; the government doesn’t understand me and won’t believe me; so I don’t want to live anymore either.” Certainly, the nameless fear of beatings also played a strong role. However, these were often said to be inhumane. When people are beaten half to death, they are thrown into the water until they regain consciousness, then beaten some more. Strong village people beat, and only policemen are present, no higher official. Some people are said to have been taken home for fear that they would die as a result of the beating, as had happened once. Three people are said to have disappeared mysteriously. It is said that they were thrown into the Tokhmasu (tributary of the Euphrates) at night, but this does not seem credible to us. – According to the description of the city doctor, the prison is a room of about 160 square meters, low, dark, damp, with only a tiny air hole in the ceiling, in which 200 Armenians are currently locked up. There is also a small courtyard with a well and a privy. At night, the prisoners wash their needs in a tin container inside, which is poured out in the morning. (…) (page 20)

(…) At the farewell of the Müfetiş [deportation inspector] in the courtyard of the school, all the leaders were present. He showed there a number of a criminal magazine with pictures of masses of guns, bombs and the like, which were said to be found among Armenians in Kuharea [Kütahya], Diyarbekir, etc., and were gathered in individual rooms. The deputy of Mutesarrıf also told me that 5000 bombs were found in Mezereh yesterday. The Turkish people are becoming more and more agitated against the Armenians; the atmosphere is extremely tense, but open hostilities are not noticeable. (…) (page 20)

14 June 1915, morning – (…) Gabriel Efendi, the lawyer, has been in prison again since yesterday. I was just with Mustafa Ağa. He is completely under the influence of his Armenian entourage. He repeatedly assured me that the government secretly disappears 3 or 4 prisoners every night, who are beaten to death or thrown into the water. They would be taken away in his car. A priest, relative of Dr. Micael [Mikael], is said to be dead, as well as a certain Bonchüklian; we knew both of them, but have no definite news yet. The women come to the prison to bring food, then learn that it is no longer necessary, but get no further news. We explain the fact, which in itself seems somewhat mysterious, that the corpses are not delivered, but buried secretly, with the fact that in the other case the dead are revered as martyrs and saints and possibly unrest would arise. (…) (page 28) The excavations are strictly handled, but the Armenians are only used for work. (…) (page 29)

15 June 1915 – This morning women came again, howling, imploring: No more food is accepted for the prisoners, the clothes would be sent back; so many are dead, of course secretly killed. Although we do not yet understand and know the true facts, we naturally consider all this to be empty rumors, because we have experienced all too often that the most outrageous, stupid allegations and news are spread with all certainty. If I wanted to tell all this, I would fill volumes. Of course, I don’t want to go to the commander all the time either. The Badveli urged me to go with him to the prison and preach to the prisoners. Of course, this is quite unthinkable. Today the Turkish released prisoners, 250 in number, left for the war as volunteers, with a great show of accompanying people; horses, drums, singing students. (…) (page 29)

16 June 1915 – (…) That prisoners die and are buried secretly seems to us now to be certain. We do not believe, however, that the government is assisting in this dying; that it is not turning over the corpses (so far, by the way, only two or three cases are reasonably certain to us), we understand; for a huge excitement would go through the city if the corpses were put on display. We have now found out where they are buried.

At first, I thought that Krikor’s observations in this regard were null and void, but yesterday I found out for myself the following: At the southern tip of our field 11, where on the hillside the Khorata water ditch turns to the north (see our plot plan), five men were working on one of the trenches left over from the military exercises. When they saw me coming up with Krikor, they suddenly abandoned their work and moved away in a conspicuous hurry. But when we walked resolutely toward them, they did not continue to avoid us, but greeted me with great courtesy and kindness. They were eager to dissuade me from the intention of inspecting the work of our people at the water ditch above – we were watering. I should not bother to go up there in the heat (…).

I asked them what they had to dig in our field. I had hardly uttered the sentence when they already answered in suspicious haste and readiness: “Nothing, nothing.” I said, “Yes, but you are not digging there for nothing and nothing again?” They then said, sheepishly passing over it, they were burying some disgusting things from the hospital. Now lately rags and bed scraps and the like from the hospital have often been dumped and burned all over the place. But in this case it was obvious that it was a lazy excuse. Because 1) why this secrecy, 2) an unmistakable smell of decay came out of the hole, which showed some waste of a harmless kind at the top. And they would hardly bury an animal with such care and secrecy. Besides this hole, which was right on the water’s edge, there is one a distance to the east, as far as I could tell, within our borders. There they had just begun to work. At night, as the clover garden was being watered, Khoren and Krikor observed the following: Four people arrived with spades, one of them on a packhorse. They went to the place in question; sounds of stones and the like were heard from afar; after a quarter of an hour they returned. When they passed Krikor, who was carrying a lantern, one of them asked him sternly, “Why didn’t you tell us that there were people here?” to which Krikor replied, “You saw the lantern after all.” After all this, it seems very likely to us that the deceased Armenian prisoners are actually buried in the field. Shocking, but finally not incomprehensible and adapted to the oriental conditions. (…) (page 31)

23 June 1915 – In the meantime, both Bardrian and Nishan and other people are put in prison, so that now there are actually hardly any free Armenians here. (…) (page 35)

24 June 1915 – At 11 1/2 o’clock I went on horseback to the Khorata ditch adjacent to the southwest corner of our plot 11 (…), on the mending of which Garabed, Khoren and Krikor are working. On the way back, I rode past the (…) grave sites and observed at the westernmost one that new earth has been piled up there since yesterday. According to this, the report of our gardener (Turk) that the dogs were scouring out the bodies of the Armenian prisoners there seems to be correct. In the second hole I saw to my greatest horror how the skull and the back of a corpse, still covered with decomposed flesh, protruded, obviously dragged out at night by the dogs – perhaps ours as well. An hour later I was sitting with Khoren at the Mutessarrıf’s apartment, whom I had immediately asked for a secret interview on an important matter. I gave an accurate report of all my observations and subsequently had a meeting with him for almost two hours on the whole Armenian affair. First of all he sent a Zaptiye to the place, but he was obviously anxious to whitewash the matter (there had been a horse gifted there and perhaps one from the hospital), because he was certainly involved in the story. What I spoke with the Mutesarrıf and what I told him, I do not need to reproduce after all previously written; only from his explanations I want to record at least the most important points. What had happened before his time, he could no longer change; he did not say that nothing unlawful had happened; he even hinted that at the instigation of some rich people the Mutesarrıf deputy had helped some to die. On my urgent request to at least inform the poor women about the whereabouts of their husbands, he said that they could not do anything about it, because the matter was not pure. As long as he was at his post, he promised me on his honor that such illegalities would never occur. Even now, the prisoners should have permission to have beds and food sent to them from home, to be visited, and to go for a walk in the prison yard. He could not release anyone, however, and would have to put even more in prison until the hidden bombs and explosives were found, the existence of which was not in doubt. (…) (page 33 f.)

25 June 1915 – (…) I was about to visit Mustafa Ağa, but met him on the way at the Köşk [Mansion] of Mutesarrıf, where I talked to him a little. He said that during the night, following my intervention, the bodies buried in the six holes were properly buried. There were more than a hundred of them! (…) Mustafa Ağa also claimed to know for certain that the other day a detachment of Armenian laborers, who were engaged in road work at the Çiftlik [farm] between here and Tsoğlu on the Euphrat, were picked up on the way by the released [Turkish] prisoners mentioned on page 29, shot and thrown into the water. We had heard such rumors before, but had never taken them seriously. However, we were immediately surprised that all these people were immediately armed here, although they were robbers and murderers. And the fact is that no news has yet come back from the workers in question, who are supposed to have been sent elsewhere. Our nerves are being severely attacked by all these sinister results; moreover, we and our people are now personally endangered. We have to be very careful. (…) (page 35 f.)

2 July 1915 – The most horrible, most appalling thing has happened: Massacre. (…) When I was at the Mutesarrıf, suddenly all the workers (probably 100 to 200), who had just gone to Indärä [?] with donkeys, pipes, tools and the like for the water pipe work, came back. A short time later, soldiers were observed going up to Indärära from here, and an officer on horseback, most likely the gendarmerie commander. We also understood these strange events only yesterday. (…) (page 40 f.)

Since we started July with a possession of 1.25 piastres (about 30 pennies) and our last money (borrowed from Khoren, by the way) had been with Garabed, I decided the next morning, that is, yesterday morning, to go to Mustafa Ağa (mayor) and ask him to lend us five Ltq. I went early with Khoren and the Zaptiye and met Mustafa Ağa alone, so that we could talk more freely for once. After the necessary initial conversations, I asked if he did not know where Garabed was. He was sent to Mezereh, was the answer. After I had told him all my impressions, I said that we were worried that something else had happened. He replied: “Don’t tell anyone else, they killed Garabed, and not only him, but 300 the night before and 180 the night before.” All of them were taken to Indärä and there – I didn’t want to ask whether they were strangled or slaughtered, because we would have heard shooting. It must have been all the prisoners, that is, almost all the men who were still here at all. In the morning they are all buried there. It is quite certain that Krikor is also among them; it had already been said that he would be “sent somewhere else.” This seems to mean, according to the present usage, “to kill”, while “to go” means to die, i.e. by force. (…) (page 42)

(…) Garabed, by the way, is said to be killed especially, in the government [administration, administrative building]. He must have had, as now came out, the last days already death suspicions. (…) (page 43)

(…) We also thought a lot about Mezereh. If at all possible, we wanted to go to Mezereh with the whole house. But on the journey we would undoubtedly be attacked; it would only be possible if the government helped and protected us. However, the government cannot and must not do that under any circumstances. Mustafa Ağa also immediately took away all hope; the Mutesarrıf would not let us; we would be safe here. By the way, Mezereh, Sivas, Erzurum, Erzincan, Kayseri, etc. are supposed to be just like this. It was an order from above, of course, carefully prepared. That is why there have been no Turkish visitors for such a long time, that explains the words of the Mutesarrıf, as quoted on  pages 34 and 35 (…), that is why all the remaining men and also the boys, whom the Mutesarrıf had once released, have been hastily imprisoned. How horribly we have been deceived and betrayed, with satanic malice and cunning. Not the whole government, not at all; but it is under the mob rule. (…) When this Mutesarrıf came, the matter was certainly already stirred up under the representative to such an extent that he could no longer go against the tide. Four, five people are said to have led everything. (…) (page 43 f.)

4 July 1915 – (…) According to Habeş’s statements, only 80 percent of the Turkish people agree with the measures against the Armenians. – Last night at 1 1/2 o’clock Khoren and Sarah heard two wagons driving one after the other (or one twice) to the hillside, obviously again new killings and burials. In such a wagon there will hardly have been less than 10 to 20 corpses. The killing is supposed to be over now; according to our experience at least 600 to 700. There are still about 40 workers left, who are making pipes for the industrial water supply. But they are sure that they will live only as long as their work lasts. Aaron and Mkrtich Varbed are said to be still alive. – (page 48)

5 July 1915, 11 o’clock in the evening – Before I went to bed this morning, that is, last night, I once again made the usual round on the upper Eyva. There I heard the eerie creaking of wagon wheels in the field and realized: they are driving bodies anew to the grave sites on the hillside. After about a quarter of an hour the sound came again and was lost in the orchards. Mihran then heard the same process again later. Habeş heard there were four Catholics killed, brought in one wagon only two bodies at a time. (…) (page 49) (…) The following uncontrollable rumor circulated about Krikor’s whereabouts: He was still seen in the Han [inn] last Tuesday evening. Two groups had been formed from the Armenians (labor soldiers) there, one was to finish the water pipe work here, the other, to which Krikor was assigned, was to be sent somewhere to pick wheat. A zaptiye would have said: “I am surprised that the Germans could not free you from our hands.”

This group was then transferred to prison and was seen again late in the evening being taken away from there to an unknown destination, supposedly for harvest work, but in reality probably to be strangled in Indära. That was also a harvest – the reaper’s death. These details are probably only legend. But as the only thing we heard, I wanted to record it. Apart from all the horror, all the unearthly and all the misery, which constantly weighs on the soul and sets the nerves in turmoil, what has wounded our hearts most deeply is this unspeakably mean and vile betrayal, which our “confederates and brothers” have committed against us, which has cost Garabed and Krikor their lives, us the workers, on whom our work depended for the most part, and above all every trace of trust in the government and prestige and respect among the people. (…) We work with our people for this country and people, we offer all our influence for the reassurance of the people, we try hard to appear above and below as witnesses of the truth; the thanks a double deadly blow. We stand as betrayed and as traitors. (…) (page 51)

7 July 1915 – (…) The night passed without incident. As long as I was awake, nothing at all was heard; afterwards, noises were heard as if a crowd of people had gone to Indära. But this may have been based on a deception. (…) At half past ten, Mustafa Ağa, the mayor, suddenly arrived. We were able to learn the following from him: He said that the number of Armenians killed here in the last 15 days was over 2000 (two thousand). Most of them were buried in Indära (for fear of us no longer up here on the mountain slope), about 150 at Taştepe, 250 at the Kundebeg side. The deputy of the Mutesarrıf, the Kaymakam of Arrha [Vasfi Bey], had the main blame. In his time, quite a number in the government [building] had already been killed with blows and welts! (…) Now one of the main makers was Haşim Beg and his sons (…). The Mutessarif (…) had not been able to do anything about it; everything was in the hands of four, five people. Now he is still working to ensure that the women are allowed to stay here. By the way, Haşim Beg told us the other day, when he (…) was here with his black adopted son, a bad person, that if such things (i. e. butchery) happened, it would be through the mediation of a great man, such as me!!! – By the way, the minister [Talat] in Constantinople gave orders to act against the Armenians. This happened in many cities as well as here, among others also in Diyarbekir. In Mezereh, the Vali did not allow it. He sent the Armenians, men and women, to Urfa and telegraphed to the local Mutesarrıf that he would send people to meet them. The latter replied that he had no reliable people. When Mustafa Ağa offered himself, the Mutesarrıf would not let him. In general, Mustafa Ağa is hated and endangered as a “gavur” [infidel] because of his Christian friendship. Today, 200 Armenian women had been with him. He had advised them to refuse to leave. – Exiles from Sivas had been thrown en masse into the Tokhmasu, tributary of the Euphrates, three hours from here. Empty wagons then came here in the night. (By the way, the night before last we also heard the sound of many wagons coming from the Sivas road). This is what would happen to many more. – Mehmet Beg gave the horse of the killed (…) city doctor to someone in Mezereh. The horse of the Catholic bishop who was killed during the night was given to Mustafa Ağa, who rode it today. The Mollah, who belongs to the Parliament, and who has been here many times and very amicably, spreads the opinion that the goods of the killed Armenians belong to the Turks by right. The Mutesarrıf is said to fight against it in vain. (…) Mustafa Ağa asked: “Doesn’t Europe intervene against this? Is it written in your book or in ours? If it is asked, the whole truth is written here,” – pointing to his heart, – “I am not to befrightened.” (…) (page 53 f.)

8 July 1915 – (…) To the above comment one more thing, which was also told today Makruhi: Of the workers who worked in Çiftlik, some have already been transferred from the Han [inn] to prison! How appalling to think of all the people to whom nothing was further from their minds than political machinations, with whom we consorted and whom we always reassured that they could not be in any danger, especially at this time, like Bardrian, Mikael Efendi and son, Gabriel Efendi, who worked tirelessly all his life as a lawyer in the service of the government, the Badveli, whose greatest concern was to lead people to God in this time of need and to guide them to pray, who, even close to his arrest, would have liked to talk to us about bringing God’s word to the prisoners; and Chosrov Efendi, Nishan and many others, too, had not committed any political offenses worthy of death. These people were now all locked up in prison and strangled and buried somewhere at night. One cannot believe it. – It is quite incomprehensible to us that we did not foresee all this. (…) But we are grateful that we did not suspect it and think that God kept our eyes. Because if we had known it, we would have had to stake our lives for that of the Armenians – and in all probability in vain. (page 56 f.)

2- Deportees from Sivas and Mezereh / Harput; preparation for deportation from Malatya

2 July 1915 – (…) Yesterday afternoon Haşim Beg, our neighbor, came. (…) The only thing he said was: the Armenians would all be sent into exile in the Urfa area. If it is carried out completely, by the way, an unspeakably cruel – and unnecessary – measure. (…) But the execution of the punishment corresponds completely to the moral and intellectual low of the country and appears in individual cases as infinitely cruel and arbitrary. For this reason, too, it must be decisively called a massacre, even if, in contrast to the one of 1895/96 in the form of a large-scale judicial murder, which is presented to the public as a patriotic necessity and covered up with the example of the Germans in Belgium, with hardly a shred of justice. – (page 44 f.)

4 July 1915 – (…) It has been proclaimed in the market that within four days the entire Armenian population will be sent into exile to Urfa. If this measure is carried out to its full extent, it will contain a misery that only those who have lived in the Orient can reasonably comprehend. If it should be a punishment, it would be infinitely cruel and arbitrary. (…) (page 46)

5 July 1915 – (…) What the government intends to do with all the sick, infirm, etc., is unclear to us. Children who remain here, the government wants to send to school; it has been proclaimed that whoever wants to take in a child should come forward!!! (…) (S. 51)

8 July 1915 – (…) In the morning the wife and mother of the Protestant tailor Avedis [Avetis] came. They said that all Armenians had poison with them, so that if they were really sent, they would poison themselves right away. “We will not deny Christ.” This sounds very nicely like martyrdom, but loses a lot when you consider that the whole thing has nothing to do with Christianity at all. For the Turks do not demand at all that the Armenians become Muhammedans. Of course, I do not want to deny that religious fanaticism played a big role in this inhumane execution of an initially purely political criminal procedure against a dangerous and suspicious people on the basis of the law of war, which then used the law of war as a mask. But for them it is not about forced conversion of Armenians, but about their extermination. It seems to me that a big role is also played by the fact that some big people here, such as Haşim Beg and Sons, want to enrich themselves with the property of the Armenians who were killed – also a kind of war booty! By the way, there seems to be hope of late – that the exodus will cease. That would be a great blessing. Because nameless misery would arise, if all the sick, pregnant women, infirm people without any food, always with fear of death, would be sent away now. At Tokhmasu, thousands of exiles from the Sivas and Erzurum area are said to be lying around in terrible distress. Turkish women are now also frightening the Armenians in many ways: “There and there is a deep well dug, you will all be thrown into it,” etc. – The government is now demanding signatures from many, without saying what for. We do not know what this means (…). (…) (page 55)

9 July 1915 – (…) This morning we saw again about one hundred Armenians arriving from Mezereh, who camped for a while between us and Haşim Beg (plot) at the hedge, with a lot of buffalo carts, cows, donkeys and other belongings they arrived in small groups, accompanied by Zaptiyes and armed Kurds. As far as we could observe from a distance, everything made no impression of particular distress. (…) (page 57)

10 July – (…) How now after the elimination of the Armenians here the whole handicraft lies down, for this just one example: Today we wanted to have the handle of a watering can soldered. That is not possible, because there is no plumber left in the whole city! (…) (Page 58) (…) This afternoon I went to the Mutesarrıf. (…) He seems to blame everything on the deputy in particular. When I asked him about the Armenian workers who were still here, he said that there was no danger to their lives (?) and that he had asked them not to go to Urfa because of the work they had to do here. (…) Whether the bomb and pogrom stories are based on truth or are forgeries of the makers, who should legitimize the whole action against the local Armenians – despite all investigations no bombs have been found – will hardly ever be known. Both is possible. (…) On the other hand, nothing had happened here on the part of the Armenians that could have given the government any cause for concern. The rule of banishment would have been sufficient, and in case of need a few more summary executions of proven culprits, who, as far as I know, have not been found here at all. The events that took place here cannot be interpreted as an untamable outburst of popular rage, as a concession to the passionate will of the people, for there was nothing of that to be felt; rather, it is undoubtedly a matter of a masterfully organized mass murder of justice, prepared long ago, which a few officials have on their conscience. And one may or must assume that from above, if not an open order, at least deliberately ambiguous instructions were given, which left enough leeway to the respective doers. Whether the whole collection of weapons was not already under this point of view? (…) (page 60 f.)

11 July 1915, evening 10 1/2 – Aaron Varbed [Varpet] was here this morning, but fortunately and understandably did not make any request. He said that there were still about 12 Armenian workers here, and in addition, in the individual quarters, individual old men and young men, who, wherever they are found, are also written as workers. Senerkerim Vorperian, Nishan’s brother, was also still at home and had recovered somewhat from his illness. What has become of all the other men, about that still only conjectures and rumors circulate among the people, although quite definite ones. The page 37 mentioned, from the Mutesarrıf released boys were, as I already wrote, behind his back quickly again imprisoned, in addition others; among other things also nephews of Aaron Varbed. The latter approached the Mutesarrıf about the matter, who then willingly wanted to investigate the matter and instructed Aaron Varbed to send Vahub Efendi, the Turkish superior of the workers’ group, to him the following morning with the list of the boys in question. The latter then brought Aaron Varbed the following notice, it is unfortunately not known how far as an answer from the Mutesarrıf and how far from himself. He said that it was very regrettable that Aaron Varbed had not come a day earlier, because now the boys were no longer there. When Aaron Varbed then asked to tell him frankly whether they were still alive or what had happened to them, he said that 150 people who had been convicted of their guilt had been beheaded, and the remaining 500 had been sent to Urfa. The boys were certainly among the latter, and when the list of those who had arrived in Urfa arrived here, one could make further efforts. The following should be noted in this regard:

1) as far as we know, there is no competent court-martial here which would have been in a position to try the 150 persons mentioned.

2) if it was a legal procedure, why were they not shot in public?

3) we consider it completely impossible that there should have been 150 criminals worthy of death here, as no direct offense has been proven and has become known.

4) why are the names and guilt of those executed not disclosed?

5) if the mentioned 500 men are really sent to Urfa, why this secrecy?

To intercept men and boys from the houses and streets without any motivation and to ‘send them to Urfa’ at night, without anyone knowing what happened to them, cannot possibly be lawful and seems highly suspicious.

We cannot explain it other than that those ‘sent to Urfa’, as it will turn out later, unfortunately died on the way, that is with the help of the accompanying Zaptiyes, or that they ‘escaped’, that is their soul! All a satanic game, outwardly blameless, in reality a terrible abomination, which, however, will be difficult to trace.

Hopefully, the answer of Vahub Efendi was not inspired by the Mutesarrıf, because it would be difficult for us if he also lied like that; and on the other hand, it is hardly to be assumed that he should not know what this ‘sending to Urfa‘ of the men means.

(…) There is talk among the people that 7000 Armenians from Mezereh are passing through here these days. – (page 62 f.)

12 July 1915, morning – Earlier we saw them coming, a whole army at once, according to my estimate about two thousand. In front a few yailas (passenger cars), then a great many donkeys and other beasts of burden, the people mostly on horseback, partly walking alongside, men, women and children in normal proportion to each other, bedding and other belongings with them, also buffalo and oxen wagons full of things, accompanying zaptiyes and soldiers in sufficient numbers, and yet not so many that they could pose a danger to the people, in short: everything as far as we could see in the best order. No great noise, no screaming or complaining. Oh, if only everything had been like that here too! But when they leave here, it will only be women and children. (…) (page 63 f.)

(…) According to the news that Habeş and Mahmut brought from the city this evening, there are eight hundred houses, that is, at least three to four thousand people, and not only Mezereh itself, but from surrounding villages. For the night the men have been accommodated in the barracks, the women in the neighboring Turkish school; tomorrow at dawn they are to move on. It is said that it took them ten days to get here (for one hundred kilometers!); the most difficult part is the crossing of the Euphrates. 150 zaptiyes are said to have come with them. When the people were counted here, three girls were missing. The officer in question is said to have given very strict orders: By tomorrow you will find them. There is a rumor that they fell into the water in the rush to cross. That would be quite possible in itself; only it would be strange that no one should have noticed this. (…) Earlier we observed on the Sivas road, coming from the Sivas side, many buffalo carts and about one to two thousand people, certainly Armenians from the area. (…) (page 63 f.)

16 July 1915 – (…) This morning an Armenian potter was here, who had been willingly put at our disposal for a little work. He claims that those who came from Mezereh were robbed on the way and that all their belongings were taken from them here. The men were all sent ahead to be killed on the way. This is what will happen to all of them. (…) (page 66)

Veronika (the wife of Dr. Mikael), who by the way spoke soberly and factually and did not bring any horror stories and sensational news, also said the following: Armenian women who walk through the market, as they do, are not bothered in any way. Even at night there is no more robbery in the houses. The local female population is not to be sent away for the time being. The Mutesarrıf would have received a petition, which she and other women would have presented to him in the government, very kindly and touched and deeply moved. Mustafa Ağa would also do his utmost. Many Armenian women have found shelter in Turkish houses, for example at Arab Osman. The women from Sivas, who were housed in a school in the market, have just been sent on; according to Habeş’s statement, also those from Mezereh, whose men were supposed to have been sent on the following night, apparently to be killed on the way. Children from Sivas who were left here to be sent to a Turkish school were released to beg bread in the streets. The Mutesarrıf, by the way, had been to the school to have bread distributed to them. Nine wagons full of children arrived today from the Sivas area, who said they had been separated from their parents on the way to be sent to school here; they do not know what happened to their parents. Of those sent from Mezereh, seven (or twelve) had been recalled by the Vali, probably to be hanged there.

Other more or less controllable rumors we heard even more. Day by day our suspicion grows that it is a general, deceitful policy of extermination against the Armenians. The outward appearance is impeccable: lawful sentencing of the rioters, banishment of the rest of the population to Urfa. As many of the men as possible are killed secretly on the way or on the spot, the women are generally left to live, i.e. to degenerate, the children likewise, or they are turned into Turks. Afterwards it is said: As many Armenians as we could gather are in Urfa. How many there should be, who wants to control that? Turkey will try to see how much it can get away with against Germany, how much Germany can be deceived, and we fear that it will speculate with increasing success on a German external policy that is weak out of friendship and falsely lenient. (…)

The whole scheme of the persecution of the Armenians is now even more satanic than in 1895/96. We still hope that we see too black. But so far, we have always seen too white and have been deceived each time in the most horrible way. The reasons may have been valid, the guilt account of the Armenians large – although certainly most of it is arbitrarily inflated and generalized by the government – that inhuman cruelties and illegalities have occurred and are occurring cannot be subject to the slightest doubt. If the German government does not take the stand of the law with the utmost strength and severity, the reputation of both Germany and Christianity will be ruined, and the damage cannot be foreseen.

Women in the Han [inn] are also said to have told that in Sivas villages women showed the places where the men had buried their rifles, whereupon they were shot in the face of their wives and the women were sent into exile. There is nothing to be said against that. (…) (page 66f.)

17 July 1915, noon – (…) In order to protect ourselves externally as much as possible against the unbearable smell, we have handkerchiefs full of eau de cologne and will always hang carbolic-soaked towels in front of the bedroom windows in the evening. Whether the smell comes from Indärä or from the trenches on the hillside, we do not know. In Indärä there must be hundreds of corpses, on the hillside dozens, but maybe hundreds. (…)

Sunday, 18 July 1915, noon – Yesterday evening 6 o’clock we observed from the Ayva how – according to my estimation about two thousand – people with pack animals and buffalo wagons in orderly trains, accompanied by zaptiyes and ‘Başıbozuk’, i. e. irregular soldiers, came across the dirt road from Sivas Street to the field on Mezereh Street in front of the Turkish cemetery, which adjoins our property to the north. Khoren claimed to recognize them as Armenian villagers from the Sivas area. They were mixed men, women and children. We thought they would gather here, like the people from Mezereh the other night, spend the night in the barracks and school, and then move on to Urfa. To our great astonishment, however, after a short time the masses of people started moving in the opposite direction, that is, towards Mezereh; they left a lot of beds behind, with a guard staying behind. (…) The diversion of the procession to Mezereh appeared to be highly suspicious. For it would be difficult to send the people of Mezereh to Urfa via Malatya and the Sivas people via Malatya-Mezereh. (…) When earlier at nine Habeş was supposed to go to the market, I told him to try to find out where the people had gone last night and why the beds had stayed behind. Then he hesitantly gave the following information little by little: “Why should I ask, what everybody knows. Not far behind the Yehl Han (a hill about 2-300 meters high north of the Mezereh road, 1/2 hour from here) a big grave is dug; there they are all ‘lost’.” The beds and other belongings were often thrown away because they were of no use to them. Four thousand families were sent from Sivas, five hundred of them arrived here. On the way they would always be divided into groups and now and then one of them would be killed, including women and children.

We remained sitting quietly, sighing from time to time, completely dejected, because we had to fully believe all this after what we had observed ourselves. (…) (page 69 f.)

(…) Surely last night between 10 and 11 the many Başıbozuks followed the train, because the escort teams alone could not manage the slaughter of such large numbers. And we, the ‘confederates and brothers’ of the Turks, have to let this happen before our eyes! (…) (page 70) In the meantime Veronika came again. It was said that tomorrow the population of Malatya would also be sent (she only seemed to guess what this “sending” meant). Those hidden in Turkish houses would also be taken out. She would already go, but what would then become of her old, almost blind mother? (…) All the belongings of the Armenians had been declared the property of the government; in fact, the Armenians from Mezereh were said to have had all their riches in money and jewelry taken from them here. The children from Sivas are still in school and get one or two small loaves of bread a day, depending on their age, totally inadequate. – She also knew that on the way and here the trains are always divided into smaller groups and sent to different directions.

The above-mentioned point of view seems to me extremely important for the understanding of the whole procedure: the government not only has an excellent opportunity to solve the ‘Armenian Question’ radically at last, under the pretext of a strategic necessity, but thus frees itself from all the financial difficulties that the war entails. The German missionaries can take care of the remaining wretched later, which they will be generously allowed to do after some harassment, and the Germans will be good enough to restart the trade and commerce destroyed by the elimination of the Armenians. Then, when Turkey no longer needs us, we will be kicked and allowed to leave. Religious motives will play a role in the anti-Armenian annihilation policy among the religious authorities stoking the fire, but there is no sign of it among the people. The whole thing is a political measure. Greeks and Syriacs, for example, are spared, and Germans are now in danger at most as troublesome witnesses. There is a widespread feeling among the people that the Germans have become Mohammedans or are about to become Mohammedans. If the German government is not extremely cautious and, above all, strong and strict toward Turkey, disasters are in store for Germany as well. (…) (page 70 f.)

20 July 1915 – (…) Many respectable Armenian women are said to try to protect themselves from banishment by converting to Islam. But we doubt very much whether the government will accept this. It is not important for them to make proselytes, but to make a politically obstructive population harmless. Yesterday afternoon Veronika came again. It was proclaimed that the Armenians should quickly take care of all their business that might still be necessary. She again pleaded for advice about her old mother. We sent her to the Mutesarrıf’s wife, who received her kindly, talked to her for a long time and promised her everything possible.

Today many Armenians arrived again. It is very difficult to get anything in the market because they buy everything. By the way, the market prices are outrageously expensive now. Things like cucumbers, for example, are probably going to waste en masse in the villages, and there is no one to bring them to the market. (page 76)

21 July 1915 – (…) in the afternoon again one to two thousand Armenians came from the Sivas side with buffalo wagons and) camped by the road. At 3 we bathed, and while we were at it Makruhi came running quite excitedly and shouted outside: The Americans from Sivas are coming as prisoners of war! We hurriedly got ready and indeed found at least one American-Canadian lady from Sivas, Miss Graffen (sic!), with an old preacher’s wife in the living room. She did not come as a prisoner, but quite voluntarily accompanied the Armenians from Sivas to Urfa to see if everything was going well and to report on it, and to assist them in sickness and all needs on the way. A dangerous undertaking and full of difficulties and the most severe privations, but most thankful and valuable. It requires great courage and a sense of sacrifice and wisdom. It was a blessing for us, which no one but us can imagine, to be able to talk to someone like her about everything and to get more detailed information about other regions and the whole practice of exile. I will try to reproduce what we learned from Miss Graffen, at least in the main points and as orderly as possible. (p. 76 f.)

22 July 1915 – First of all, the attitude of the government and its Armenian policy. As a result of the defections to the Russians of various Armenians, also from the interior, mostly those who had freed themselves from military service by means of Bedell (ransom) [price, substitute], as a result of the uprisings in the Van region and similar incidents, finally due to the fact that in many provinces preparations for an armed uprising to help the invading Russians against the Ottoman government have been uncovered, the following measures have been taken, as almost all officials and experts questioned testify: The members of revolutionary parties were partly banished, partly sentenced to death.

This killing, however, almost never took place publicly, but in the form of groups of people being led to work, whose leaders were to ‘lose’ a certain number of people on a list. Recently orders have come that the entire Armenian population is to be exiled to Urfa, in part apparently also to Mosul, according to other statements to Mesopotamia. Repeatedly strict orders have been given that no one is to lay his hand on the property and lives of Armenians. In fact, Kurds have been repeatedly shot who had strayed to the side. It seems that the possibility of a happy execution of the giant transports and the provision of food on the way is being taken care of as far as possible, except that the possibility is almost never available under the present circumstances. The whole attitude of the authorities seems to be correct. In view of the indeed difficult situation towards the Armenians and the Russian danger, everything had to be rushed and could not be prepared and organized as it might otherwise have been done.

Only one doubt comes to our mind: If the government had not, at least in the first period, intentionally left some leeway, individual local authorities would hardly have dared to proceed as it did here, for example, that is, always individual officials or influential private persons. – It is always said here that everything is done on behalf of the German government. On the other hand, it was interesting and reassuring for us to hear that many German officers on the Caucasus front were very indignant about some of the measures taken against the Armenians, although others, for example General Posseldt, [commander of the Erzurum fortress in 1915], would like to see them all eliminated. Fräulein von Wedel, a Norwegian, and Sister Eva Elvers, formerly in Maraş, then Kurdish missionaries, last in the Red Crescent in Erzurum and then in Erzincan, had heard and seen many things there, for example, how Turks distributed Armenian women and girls among themselves, and then objected.

They were told that if they did not leave within two days, they would be sent to prison. It was just as well that they were allowed to leave for Constantinople, incidentally under strict guard, where, Miss Graffen hoped, they would have made an effective report to the German ambassador. – The Armenian people themselves had handed over all weapons in Sivas, bombs or the like had not been found, nor had any other conspiracies been discovered. On the other hand, the butchery among the Turks in Van, the fights between Armenians and Turks in Karahisar and the like are well known, and it is not surprising that the Armenians are no longer trusted in other places, even where they are otherwise peaceful. Secret preparations for the time of the destruction of the Turkish rule, at least the corresponding wishes and hopes, have probably been widespread among the entire Armenian people. But it would be a great exaggeration to regard the whole nation as a nation of rebels. Even the Turks know and admit that a large part is now suffering innocently and has not given any actual reason to intervene against the Armenians. This is regrettable, but self-evident.

The banishment is carried out in such a way that, after prior notice, the individual houses are evacuated and, by the hundreds and thousands, the people are taken on their way, accompanied by zaptiyes; as far as possible they go by ox or buffalo cart; where there are no roads, as for example between here and Urfa, as far as possible by lorries, mostly donkeys. The banishment is apparently a general one; however, individual Valis apparently make an effort to leave old, infirm people, pregnant women in place. The orphan girls in the Swiss orphanage in Sivas have been left there ‘for the time being’. But otherwise, the protection of foreigners or Turks does not seem to be recognized, apart from individual cases. A suspicious phenomenon is that often on the journey some groups are segregated to go another way. The general rumor is that the separate groups are then killed, but there is no evidence of this. From Miss Graffen’s surroundings, more than one hundred men, including teachers from the American institutions, have also been segregated at Hasan Çelebi. What became of them is unknown.

Actual massacres, that is, in the sense of public slaughters, have not taken place, even to Miss Graffen’s knowledge, except perhaps in those places where the Armenians also took armed action against the government. In contrast, individuals and groups, including sometimes women, seem to have been murdered many times. However, this has been done so skillfully and covertly that it will be difficult to produce evidence. For example, Miss Graffen did not know a single case from Sivas. It does not seem impossible that some people were thrown from the bridge into the Tokhmasu during the journey. However, this falls on the account of crude Kurds who use the crowd to ‘accidentally’ let something like this happen. Moreover, Miss Graffam has seen a child with a cut throat, who declared that his mother and others had their necks cut, before his eyes. In Tokat and Erzincan a great many are said to have been killed. The men who were in prison in Sivas are said to be still there and also to be sent into exile after their wives. This is a good sign. The most suspicious thing is always the secret sending of large and small groups to harvest, build roads and railroads. This sounds very good and probable, but often it does not seem to be a clean business. News has come from some groups, but that many are killed in the process can hardly be in doubt. But it will hardly ever be possible to come up with even approximately correct figures. We fear that the losses will not fall short of those of 1895/96.

Now details about the trains and routes of the exiles. It must be realized what infinite difficulties it must be to lead hundreds of thousands of people in a war-torn, partly uncultivated country without railroads and through large areas inhabited by savage peoples. For example, according to a letter from Harput, 91,000 people from the northern areas had already passed through there. Many of the difficulties and hardships, which Miss Graffen describes and which we can also observe to some extent, must therefore be regarded as consequences of the natural conditions. Later I will also describe those which are to be blamed on the account of evil people and, even if only quite indirectly, on that of the government.

On the one hand, there are many rich people among the Armenians, so many that we are always horrified. Among rags, sometimes tied around children for security reasons, there are many hundreds of lira (19 marks). But one Armenian does not help another. That is why there are many poor people; in many cases, without being able to make preparations and take anything with them, they have left. Many of them do not have money to buy anything, nor do they have large provisions with them, and have to live only on stale, hard bread. Moreover, now that there are no men for work or transportation and means of transport, it is in itself extraordinarily difficult to find something to buy. Now think of trains of ten thousand people, close together, and consider how much food they will find in the few and mostly small villages, not to mention that the population will not exactly be willing to help them. So, they will have to suffer a lot of hunger. Even worse is the thirst in this water-scarce country and when walking through dry, shadeless areas in 30 to 35 degrees shade temperature. Sometimes they bought a glass of water for a piaster (18 pfennigs) and then each wet his tongue with it at least once. Then the efforts! Even though the rural population is healthy on the whole and walks very slowly (three to four hours a day), the many old people and children, infants and especially those who can no longer be carried, bring great difficulties. The government gives as many animals as possible, but in many cases it cannot do so with the best will in the world. It cannot fail that many die on the way; one must even wonder that there are not more. Miss Graffen, who was always at the end of the Sivas train (ten thousand), has counted a total of 49 dead in the 15 days since Sivas (see page 87). (…) –

Now a special chapter: the robberies. The government has almost no military at its disposal inside the country. The few zaptiyes are only made so by uniform or badges on their arms. There were about five to six zaptiyes in the ten thousand people from Sivas! Moreover, even these are rarely reliable. Furthermore, one must consider what a welcome prey the possessions of the passing Armenians are for the villagers. Very often, either the zaptiyes or Başıbozuks, or with their tacit consent, Kurds rob the people or extort money and goods from them under threat. Even Miss Graffen has had to give many Bahşiş [tips] (up to ten Ltq.!), so to speak, forced. Such robberies and extortions have indeed occurred en masse and, of course, continue to occur. (…) According to credible testimonies, the Armenians from Samsun are said to have fared very badly. On the way to Sivas quite a number must have been killed. For example, if someone stepped out of the train, he was shot as a fugitive. Some were told without any reason: You want to escape, it shows on you, and were shot thereupon. – The above-mentioned men who were separated from the rest of the train in Hasan Çelebi, 150 to 200, are now in the prison at Hekim Han. Some of the suspects are to be sent back to Sivas, and the rest are to be sent on to Urfa under stronger military garrisons, as in general the men are always to be sent especially, with more zaptiyes, because otherwise they would undoubtedly overpower them. The passing of the ten thousand took place yesterday afternoon within three or four hours. But they went immediately from Sivas Street on a dirt road to Yehl Han past to Mezereh Street over to Frucir, as far as wagons can go. From there they will continue on foot. Earlier, about five hundred came from the Mezereh area, now camped at the Köşnük [Mansion], with ox carts. The poor Mutesarrıf here should probably not know where his head is. Everything comes by here, daily by the thousands. (…) (page 77 ff.) The Armenian children in the city, who have already been mentioned several times and whom the government has now placed in individual houses, are, by the way, either orphans or those whom the mothers have voluntarily entrusted to the government. So, it is supposed to be an event of social welfare. (page 81) (…)

Since Mission Graffen was planning to take flour on ten to twelve pack horses for the journey to Urfa, I sent for Mustafa Ağa, the Belediye Reis, yesterday morning so that we could talk to him about everything. He again showed his complete lack of judgment. He said that Malatya was a pit of murderers: they were brought here from all sides to be killed. None would come to Urfa, etc. (…) (page 83) (…) Last night, just as Miss Graffen was about to leave, following her people, and only waiting for the promised letter of authentication and the zaptiye from the Mutesarrıf, news came: The Vali of Sivas had telegraphed that she should not travel further from here. This was no small shock, not only for all her Protestants who had completely joined her and now had to go on without her, but what should now become of the old preacher’s wife who is with her, and especially of the teacher-to-be, about 17 years old, who has accompanied her so far as her arabaçı[coachman]? After much discussion, we decided that they should all stay with us for the time being. (…) (page 83)

23 July 1915 – (…) Three days ago, yes, just before Miss Graffen, a group of about one thousand to 1500 people had arrived here and were camped at the Turkish cemetery on Mezereh Street. We had thought that since there was no water there, they would move on after a short time; but when they were still there in the evening, we sent some buckets of water through Mahmut and the boys. The day before yesterday, the local zaptiye had asked our Mihran whether a few of our women could fetch water, which we of course immediately allowed despite all reservations. Now it went on here for two days – who has not seen it, cannot get an idea of it. It came over us like a torrent after a cloudburst. A screaming, a bickering, a wailing, whimpering of babies. (…) Sick women wanted medicine, hungry people wanted food, money, questions: what will we become, where will they send us, how will we be able to walk, what will become of our belongings, will they kill us, what will become of our little children, how will we find food and water, etc. Of course, very few people are open to instructions. (…) Of course, one saw nameless misery: sick people who can hardly drag themselves and now have to walk for about two weeks, small children who will hardly live much longer. But on the other hand one must say: Most of the women – men were almost not there, only some old and some young ones, the others are led separately, probably bound – are so healthy and strong that they will mostly survive all the efforts very well, in many cases they will even become healthier [sic!]. In the camp here three persons (or four), among them two little girls, are said to have died. (…) (page 83) (…) Tonight our Mihran claims to have heard Zaptiyes yelling all the time: Give us money, give us money. All beds and other belongings remained here, because now they can’t carry anything else with them, since the ox carts can’t go any further and animals aren’t there. About five hundred others passed by this morning, also from the Sivas direction, and went along with them, as well as about five hundred others who arrived yesterday afternoon and spent the night at the Köşnik. I forgot to mention that, as Miss Graffen tells us, there are still four thousand Armenian men in Sivas in the ameletabur (that is, working group). (…) (page 84)

(…) This morning, two of our children also arrived from Mandjaluk [Mancılık, near Sivas], whom we had sent after the outbreak of the war: Ruppen [Rupen; Ruben], who is blind and about 15 years old, and Dikran [Tigran], who is seated and about twelve years old. They were also sent back here with the woman mentioned above. Dikran’s sister, Asniv, has been sent on with the others, as has Anton, another of our boys from Mancılık. They also told a lot about robberies on the way, although with the usual exaggeration of the country. (…) Dikran also said that on the way he had seen a group of men being separated, bound and led into a valley. Afterwards, those who had led them away returned with their clothes. Of course, such reports are of little value; however, the fact that such things have happened many times can neither be doubted nor, under the local conditions and present circumstances, be further alarmed. (…) (Page 85) (…) Regarding page 80, I must correct that Miss Graffen counted 49 dead between Hasan Badragh and Malatya, i. e. on the last day’s journey. Until then, few had died and had been buried. This last stretch of about 55 kilometers is particularly hot, so that many got heat stroke and could not be buried even because of the tremendous heat, if one did not want to have more victims out of consideration for the dead. The reports that the Armenians in villages were killed many times, one hears very often, especially from the Sivas area. (page 87 f.).

24 July 1915 – (…) Last night Hedwig was with Miss Graffen at the home of the Mutesarrıf‘s wife, and he also joined them. Hedwig may tell about this herself: (…) “He (the Mutesarrıf] brought a very long document, which had arrived yesterday from Constantinople, concerning the Armenians. He read out some of it: ‘The property of the Armenians, which they leave behind, is to be sealed by the government. Whatever valuables and jewelry can be sent to them shall be done, that is, as soon as they all arrive at their destination; the other things, carpets, etc., shall be sold and the money sent to them. There each shall be allotted as much land as he had here. Agricultural implements and seeds shall be given to them, and the craftsmen shall be given tools. For the poor people, houses shall be built on the part of the government, schools, etc., shall be built.’

According to what the Mutesarrıf read to us, the orders are excellent, if only the right people were there to carry them out. (…) (…) Miss Graff enasked when the men who had been separated from them would come to Urfa. – They would get there before the women, because they had no children and burdens with them and could go faster. They could not have sent them with the women, because if someone tries to flee, he should be shot, and if someone flees among the women and children, he cannot be shot at, because others would surely be hit. (…) (page 89)

(…) From Malatya, 60 to 80 requests were handed to him [to the Mutesarrıf] by the Armenian women, in which they asked to be allowed to convert to Islam, so that they could stay in Malatya. However, it is not accepted and not desired by the Turks. Miss Graffen’s onward journey to Urfa was forbidden by the Sivas Vali. The Mutesarrıf would have preferred her to go along. But he said very correctly that Miss Graffen could be attacked or fall ill and die on the way, then the question would come to us, why did you allow this?! – After each visit I made there, I [Hedwig Bauernfeind] went away from there with a relieved heart, and we both cannot help but put our trust in the Mutesarrıf, although we were deceived here from so many sides.” (page 90)

27 July 1915 – Yesterday morning I sent Mustafa Ağa the last five Ltq. that we still owed him and had him summoned here to talk to him about our trip and house matters. (…) In the rest of the conversation it became clearer than ever that he must have almost completely lost his mind and could hardly be taken seriously. That none of the Armenians would come to Urfa, that all of them, men, women and children, would be killed on the way, that everything around here would be full of corpses, that all of Kurdistan would fall to the Russians, etc., that is his fixed idea, the poor man. Should we see now also perhaps under the influence of the Mutesarrıf much too brightly: As Mustafa Ağa represents it, it is surely a madness. (…) (page 92)

(…) Last night Bedros [Petros] from Sivas was here with his father, a blind man of about 20 years, whom we had sent home last August. He told us that he and his relatives (eight people) had just arrived here with a group of about one hundred people in ox carts, where they would spend the night in Köşnik. He told horror stories of butchery, cruel murders and robberies on the way. In the villages of the Sivas area it had gone horribly. During the journey they actually must have been terribly robbed and extorted under threats. Twice, in Alaca Han and Hasan Çelebi, men were also segregated again, according to the general opinion of the Armenians, of course, to be killed. Whether all these groups of men are indeed killed or led to Urfa by unknown routes remains a mystery. Only in Urfa will it be possible to determine later how many men arrived. Even if not as many are killed as one seems to assume, the mental torture inflicted on the people for the guilt of a few thousand scoundrels of seducers and rebels is most cruel. Bedro’s other narratives, according to our experiences so far, do not hold much more significance. (…) Despite all pleas we did not keep Bedros here. Because he is tall, strong, healthy, and because of his blindness hardly endangered. Every person complicates the security of our whole house in Mezereh. It seems to us the most natural thing that he should now bear all the difficulties together with his relatives. If we take in anyone else, it will be those who actually seem quite helpless and doomed. Later, when the work here can be resumed ordinarily, it will not be difficult to call Bedros back from Urfa. So, we remained firm – that must be learned now. (…) (page 92 f.)

(…) He [Bedros] also brought us news from other of our fosterlings: Stupid, blind Kallust [Galust] was begging and was in a terrible condition, Yeprem perhaps killed, since almost everyone in his village had been killed; he too had been begging. Mkrtich from Amasya, Srbuhi from Sivas, two small blind persons, must also be on the journey, the great Harutiun must have already passed here. (…) (page 93)

28 July 1915 – (…) Women, children arrived, and earlier also a letter came again from the first stopping point of the Sivas people two to three hours away. Strangely enough, they still seem to be there. Many would like to seek shelter with us. There are rumors of robberies and butchery. (…) (page 94)

29 July 1915 – Yesterday Habeş brought little Dikran, whom he had found crying in the city and in a pitiful condition. We decided to keep him here now and give him to Habeş as a gift, so to speak, to be his “eye,” which of course will be a great help to Habeş for the time we are away. And Habeş loves Dikran touchingly and will take good care of him. When we told Habeş, his blind face beamed as I have never seen it before. We also want to take Ruppen [Ruben; Rupen], so far he could not be found.

This morning some Protestant women came from Mezereh, bringing us the first news of Ehmanns. Mr. Ehmann is also said to have become very involved in all the things and as a result is living on tense terms with the Vali, which is of course very unfavorable for our plans. (…) His teachers have been left to him so far, but for how long is questionable. He is supposed to have said: If you take one of my people, I will have to close the house and leave. A German missionary from Mush had fled to Mezereh because the Russians were coming there (no news of them from Van!!!). When she wanted to go to Urfa with the exiles via Diyarbekir, they would not have let her. An American woman had left for Urfa, but no news had come from her since Diyarbekir. The teachers of the Americans in Harput were treated very badly in prison and beaten terribly. – These families, whose men are also separated from them here at that time, have brought with them quite immense riches, 32 donkeys full of silk, carpets, jewelry, and everywhere on themselves and the children hundreds of gold pieces tied up, apart from the treasures they left in Mezereh. They were not robbed on the way. But one woman had to give her beautiful 14-year-old daughter to a Turkish lieutenant on the way! Once, on the way, they got together and agreed in common prayer to throw themselves into the Euphrates; but when they were about to do it, God or Satan prevented it! Now they are here, not knowing whether their husbands are alive or killed somewhere, having to listen to the horror stories and lies of the Malatya women and not knowing what will become of them, whether one wants to let them all only here in the mountains gradually get lost or what else. (…) (page 94f.) (…)

This morning our stonemason, Mkrtich Varbed, was also here with a Turkish master. All the Armenian craftsmen are still safe here and also unencumbered; only the future lies darkly before them. This afternoon, again at some distance, a large convoy came through from Sivas, hundreds of ox carts. Ten to fifteen thousand people are now lying here nearby and so far have not been sent any further. They are all in terrible fear; news came to us from there. Evidence that masses of people are being killed on the way is not available, but there is enough suspicion. (…)

This evening I visited the Mutesarrıf again (…). I found a mollah there who was discussing with him the care of the orphans from the Sivas area, who have now grown to eight hundred and are now roaming the city. (…) (page 96)

31 July 1915 – Yesterday afternoon a convoy of about 1000 to 1500 people came through again, evidently from the city of Sivas. From Mezereh came the telegraphic reply to our Turkish letter: “Unfortunately, I cannot take you in under these conditions.” This means that the German orphanage in Mezereh will not remain. (…) We immediately went to the Mutesarrıf to discuss the necessary matters with him (…). We showed him our telegram from Mezereh and asked for advice. He said: He would have known that beforehand, but would not have wanted to prevent us from asking ourselves. For since the strict order had come not to leave a single Armenian in the six vilayets in question, of course the orphanage in Mezereh could not remain standing either. Even if the government did not close the orphanages, even if children under the age of 15 were allowed to stay here, the Germans would be forced to close their institutions themselves, since all the helpers would have to leave. (…) (page 97)

(…) When we returned from the Mutesarrıf at a quarter to eight, a girl was lying here in the courtyard, completely exhausted, dissolved, writhing on the ground in pain, who had come with us from Mancılık and had been advised by someone here on the road to seek refuge with us. She doesn’t seem to be in her right mind. All night long she moaned and wailed; we could hardly sleep anyway because of the excitement; now the girl’s wailing always represented to me the wailing of the whole people, and it was as if we were surrounded by shrill cries for help from all sides. An eerie, agonizing situation! And yet God has imposed on us to see and know all this – and – to be silent. (…) (page 99)

1 August 1915 – (…) Just now about one thousand villagers from the Sivas area passed through again. It cannot be omitted that many die of heat stroke. (…) (page 100 f.) (…) Just now a train of at least two thousand people from the Sivas side came through here again, which means that they never touch the Mezereh road here again, but leave the whole of Malatya on the right. (…) (page 102) (…) Earlier, the blind Maritsa from Arabkir [Trk.: Arapgir], whom we also discharged last fall, was here, a fat girl of about 17 who had just started to become a little human. She was in the city in a church. Her days of hope to stay here with us had to be shattered in two minutes. She could not find a word, turned around and went out sobbing. It is hard to bear, your heart hurts and your whole body feels like it has been beaten. (…) (page 102)

5 August 1915 – The day before yesterday another convoy of about one thousand Armenians came through, yesterday one that passed for about two hours. (…) (page 102)

1-  The Journey from Constantinople to Malatya (March/April 1916)

Christoffel took, at the end of February 1916, the same route that Hans Bauernfeind had taken almost six months earlier, but in the opposite direction.

Eregli, early March 1916 – “In Eregli I left the train, as I wanted to reach Malatya from here via Kayseri and Sivas. Hiring a travel carriage caused great difficulties. (…) The majority of the arabacis (coachmen) were Armenians. Since they were the most reliable, one usually hired one. Naturally, they were now completely absent. Furthermore, the military administration had confiscated most of the cars and trucks (…) The governor, to whom I turned, promised help, but did nothing for several days. In those days I got to know some Armenian families who, because they were craftsmen, had been spared from deportation until that time. Frightened and intimidated, they hardly dared to go out on the streets, and even I visited them only in the evenings so as not to cause them any inconvenience. With great love they fed a number of infants whom they had picked up on the road behind the hedges and fences after the passage of the Christians going into exile. (…) They told horrible stories about the way the exiles were sent, how they were crammed into cattle cars. On the Baghdad railroad there are cattle cars for the transport of goats and sheep, which are divided in the middle in such a way that there is an upper and a lower space, so that animals can be loaded above and below. The exiles were loaded into these wagons like animals. Standing was not possible, at most squatting, and even that was hardly possible because the wagons were overcrowded. Men, women and children, the healthy and the sick, all mixed up, were transported in this way for days. Sick people died in the process, pregnant women gave birth. What I was told here in detail I had heard before in Eskişehir and Konya. But however deep an impression what I heard made on me, it was blurred by the terrible things I heard and saw later.” (Tiefen, p. 10)

Kayseri – “In Kayseri we had to wait again for some days before we could rent a car to Sivas. One day I sent for a barber through Hüseyin [Christoffel’s Turkish servant]. He identified himself to me as an Armenian. He had escaped being murdered by converting to Islam. I asked him about an Armenian friend from Kayseri, with whom I was particularly close because he was a great friend of the blind. ‘He is alive,’ said the barber, ‘but he also has white tied around him.’ That should mean: he has become a Mohammedan. The converts usually tied a white or yellow cloth around the fez according to Mohammedan custom.” (Tiefen, p. 11 ).

Sivas, about mid-March 1916 – “In Sivas we stayed for a week. After the capture of Erzurum by the Russians, the German consulate had been moved from there to Sivas. The German consular representative took care of the Armenians with great warmth and was also helpful to the Armenian mission to the best of his ability. I visited the Sivas Swiss Orphanage, which I had presided over for several years before Bethesda was founded. The Armenian director, a former pupil of mine, said: ‘How good it is that you, as a German, were our director. Therefore, we took the courage to call the help of the German consul, and so we escaped deportation.’ In Sivas, the house was considered German. On Sundays I held church services in the apartment of the American mission doctor. The Protestant chapel was a military hospital. A small remnant of the large, thriving Protestant congregation was left. The doctor’s parlor comfortably held the audience.” (Tiefen, p. 11 f. )

Between Sivas and Malatya, late March, early April 1916 – “At Alaca Han, a few days’ journey south of Sivas, in the direction of Malatya, I saw the first unburied corpses lying on the road, in a puddle, next to a house door. From then on, they multiplied, until finally every camp site, recognizable by the remains of campfires, was surrounded by a circle of skeletons. They lay in every crevice of the earth, sometimes covered with stones or buried superficially, but burrowed out again by the dogs. Between Hasan Badrah and Kyrk Gös, a distance of six hours riding, where the caravan road leads through the waterless northern part of the Malatya plain, the road was littered with corpses of those who had starved, died of thirst or been slain along the way. When, a few weeks after my arrival in Malatya, the arrival of the Turkish Generalissimo with his staff was reported, the authorities of the city sent out a detachment to cover the traces of the path of death of the Armenians and to bury the corpses, primarily with regard to the German companions of Enver Pasha. When I returned to the same route on my journey home in February 1919, the bleaching bones were again lying along the way.” (op. cit. p. 12/13)

Hasan Badrah, 7 April 1916 – “How destructive had been the storm of unleashed racial passion and unleashed fanaticism! The Armenian Christian population was dispersed or killed all over the country; no one dared to profess himself a Christian in public; there was no Christian congregation anywhere. The preaching of the Gospel had fallen silent, churches and chapels confiscated, robbed, desecrated, the crosses torn down, the bells smashed.” (op. cit. p. 13)

2- Malatya 1916-1919

The survivors of the deportations

“Major deportations had ceased in our area, nor did butchery on a larger scale take place. This kind of work was done in the main. But there was indescribable misery. In every Turkish home there were Christian children or adult girls and young women, many in tolerable conditions, many in slave positions. The market and the streets of the city were teeming with begging women and children. Even worse was the situation of the Armenians who lived scattered in the mountain range south of Malatya. The columns of deportees coming from the north had to cross this mountain range in order to cross the Euphrates at Samsat and reach the Syrian and Mesopotamian plains. The Kurds inhabiting this mountain range are under the command of two chiefs, brothers, both devils in human form. These had been cattle-raiding among the Armenians passing through.” (Tiefen, p. 28)

“There were several thousand women, girls and children in Malatya, some of them forcibly left behind. Whoever managed to escape the prison of the harem came to us.” (Tiefen, p. 29)

“There were a relatively large number of widows in Malatya who had in some way managed to escape general ruin with one or more children” (op. cit., p. 30).

“The great majority of the Christians who had remained in the city had converted to Islam, and still the process of Islamization continued” (op. cit., p. 43).

“People lived in the ruins of Armenian houses, sometimes in the shade of a wall or a mulberry tree, stripped of everything, sick, starving, desperate.” (op. cit., p. 45)

Forced and Hunger Prostitution

“In particularly difficult situations were the young women and girls. Hunger and homelessness drove them into the arms of prostitution, so that finally being a Christian was synonymous with being a prostitute” (Tiefen, p. 29). “(…) The Armenian woman was outlawed. (…) The women and girls suffered terribly. The best off were still those who were introduced into a legal marriage by a Mohammedan, even if as a 2nd or 3rd wife. In many cases it was the murderers of the husbands who desired the women for marriage or mistress. Imagine how the poor felt about this. Woe to the girl who resisted! Woe to the mother who refused to give up her daughter. (…) So they were driven in droves into prostitution. The interior of Asia Minor did not know public prostitution until then. Now, all of a sudden, fornication was spreading in public. ‘The whole city is a brothel,‘ complained the pious Mohammedans. (…) Finally, the authorities took the step of barracking them. Some half-ruined houses in a destroyed Armenian quarter were set up. What was prepared there was a piece of hell” (op. cit., p. 55).

“The so-called factory was a moral quagmire. It was an enterprise of a Turk who had expanded his weaving and carpentry workshop into a large business with looted money and materials. The workers were Armenians. Since he had military contracts, he could ask anyone to be released from deportation under the pretext that he needed workers. He really saved hundreds of men and women from deportation and thus from death. Most of the time he was paid heavily for it. The women and girls were devoted to him body and soul. The Turks called him the Hamid of Malatya, in memory of Sultan Abdul Hamid II. He sometimes employed 7-800 people, the majority of them female” (Tiefen, p. 55 ).

“I have met heroines among the Armenian women, and what they accomplished in those days in enduring and working for daily bread for themselves and their children is a proof of the efficiency of the Armenian people. Who would dare to condemn the fact that many of them became paralyzed in the unfamiliar struggle, threw down their arms and perished in the dirty whirlpools of vice? One can only feel pity for them. I do not forget how a girl lamented to me: ‘But I had nothing to eat’. Or that pharmacist’s widow, an educated woman who was unable to feed herself and her children in an honest way. ‘Efendim [My lord],’ she said, ‘I have five children, are they to starve?’ In her eyes she had the expression of a hunted deer” (ibid.).

Children’s Misery

“During the deportations in 1915, the Malatya authorities had collected many abandoned children, taking others away from their mothers under the pretext of raising them in orphanages. In most cases, the mothers willingly gave up their children because it was the only way to save their darlings. Thus, about 8000 Christian children were gathered and placed in schools, churches and empty houses. These houses were called orphanages. But they were everything else, except this. … The conditions in the houses were terrible. Hunger and epidemics reduced the number of children daily. The Armenian women and Turkish officials, who were supposed to take care of the children, mostly took what was due to them. Some enriched themselves directly in this way. Special women were employed to drag out the bodies of those who had died during the night. They threw them into the gardens surrounding the building, where the dogs bit themselves over the corpses. Today the gardens are still littered with human bones. After four months, four hundred of the 8000 children were left. These were saved by the philanthropic mayor, who distributed them to the surrounding Kurdish villages. Some of them later found their way to Bethesda.” (op. cit., p. 57f.)

“Child misery was also caused by the mass adoption of abandoned Christian children by the Mohammedans. It is doubtless that many Mohammedans adopted Armenian children from the noblest motives. In such cases they were kept as real children. Then, however, untold numbers, boys and girls, lived in appalling slave conditions, bought and sold, or, after being exploited, chased out into the streets. We have taken in many such in Bethesda. … The material misery of the children was unspeakable, but the moral misery was greater. Many enslaved boys and girls served the bestial desires of their masters and mistresses. One old man kept 15 girls under the age of 12. Afterwards the bodies of some of them were found in the street, the others were chased away. Child prostitution – try to understand what lies in these words. One must have seen these children roaming the streets and loitering in front of the barracks with bold knowing eyes.” (Tiefen, p.59 f.)

Malatya’s Armenian neighborhoods

“In the city, the abandoned Armenian houses were sold for demolition and the woodwork burned. Even the most beautiful, brand new houses were no exception. The Armenian quarters were a heap of ruins, as if they had suffered a heavy bombardment.” (Tiefen, p. 33 )

Hunger and hardship in the city

“The devaluation of Turkish paper money was accompanied by an unnatural increase in food prices. The price of bread rose to a hundred times the normal price before the war. Barley cost fifty times as much” (op. cit. p. 34 ). “The hunger! This horrible strangler has killed thousands and thousands of young human children, Christian and Mohammedan. This cannot be described. Scenes stand before my eyes, before which I still shudder today, and we were used to all kinds of things. (…) Near Bethesda was a military supply depot. Grain was loaded there during the day and sent to the front. It was always surrounded by starving women and children, Christians and Mohammedans, who searched for grains from the road dust. They also pounced on the fresh horse dung and searched it for barley grains, which were then greedily devoured. In droves, the hungry came to the fields surrounding Bethesda and devoured every green stalk. (…) In front of the city slaughterhouse at any time stood a crowd of children with all kinds of vessels in which they caught the blood of the slaughtered animals and drank it greedily, or they quarreled with the dogs over the discarded entrails of the animals” ( op. cit., p. 60 ).

“Thus our life [in Bethesda] was not a lavish one, but in comparison with the famine prevailing outside it was bearable. To me it is still like a standing feeding miracle that under the circumstances, with the least means, we have kept alive such a great multitude of people.” (op. cit., p. 33)

“A great difficulty was the procurement of fuel. (…) For the rest, we froze endlessly. If it got too cold in winter, I left everyone in bed during the day” (op. cit., p.33f.).

3- The Physical and Mental Condition of the Armenians in Malatya

Christoffel’s account contains valuable details for historians of the genocidal process regarding the medical and psychological problems that plagued the survivors.

Diseases

“Apart from the fact that most of the newly admitted (Armenians, ed.) needed special care because of their general physical weakness, almost everyone brought some kind of illness with them, so that Bethesda sometimes resembled a hospital more than an institution for the healthy. (…) All of the newly admitted, without exception, were very lice-ridden, to an extent that I, who had been in the Orient for some time, would not have thought possible. (…) Another enemy with which we had to fight constantly was scabies. It does not seem to have been the actual scabies. The Armenians called it the exile disease, and every deportee had it. (…) Hands, arms and legs were most affected. Deep festering sores were formed. Hands and feet were thickly swollen, fingers and toes spread apart. (…) Most of the adult girls came afflicted with abdominal disorders. (…) We also had to admit and treat many dysentery patients. In many cases the cases were so far advanced that a cure was no longer possible. (…) Great difficulties and much work were caused by the children’s grind diseases, which had spread considerably due to the deportation. (…) Due to the deportation and the resulting malnutrition, tuberculosis had spread terribly, especially among the children. We also had quite a number who withered away like plants lacking air and sun. (…) The most widespread was malaria. Before the war we had relatively few. Now, however, everyone who came suffered from chronic malaria. This was especially tragic among the weak children, who could not recover at all because of it.” (Tiefen, p. 39 ff.

“Scurvy, typhus, dysentery, malaria, cholera and scabies were rampant. Medical treatment was not to be obtained, still less medicine and sick food.” (Tiefen, p. 45 )

“Since the great majority came to us already half-starved and undernourished, they should have had especially strong food. Many came with intestinal diseases and had to keep to a diet. It cut to the heart when one could not give the individuals what their condition required. The lack of milk was particularly disastrous. (…) This was the sad cause that we did not bring any of our infants through, and that many a weak child died in spite of careful care and endless effort.” (Tiefen. p. 32f.)

The spiritual hardships

“In order to be able to transmit religious values to people, one had to try to put oneself in their state of mind and soul; one had to try to ‘experience’. But that was terrible, and I was often at the limit of my resilience. Especially in the first months, I was mentally ill in the evenings from what I had heard, seen and experienced during the day. (…) It was a relief for the poor to be able to pour out their hearts for once and to be able to lament the suffering they had experienced and their present hardship. (…) The terrible experience had of course affected the individuals differently. Some brooded fatalistically, others rebelled wildly. Some were animated by unquenchable pain, others paid homage to cynical, moral licentiousness”. (Tiefen, p. 43f.)

“With a consistency admirable in itself, combined with all the brutality of which the Orientals are capable, one proceeded. Zeytun, Dörtyol, Suadiye, Van should have given the proof that the Armenian element was an unreliable one. Such a thing could not be tolerated in the back of the army. Therefore, the expulsion of this unruly element had to take place within the war zone. Only that the great mass of the Armenian people lived in districts that could never be considered a war zone. One proceeded step by step. First, the people were deprived of their leaders by imprisoning the intelligentsia, sending them away, executing them or, in most cases, killing them without a judicial verdict, i. e. murdering them. The men and young men were drafted for military service and were used as so-called work battalions for road construction and similar work. The rule was, when the work was completed, that they were slaughtered en masse. In many cases they had to dig their own graves beforehand. Then came the decree that all Armenians were to be expelled and resettled in Syria and northern Mesopotamia. In the summer of 1915, we see the whole Armenian people, about one and a half million people, mostly women, children and old people, migrating to the south. Such a mass movement would not have been possible in that country even if the authorities had had honest intentions. They did not have them. (…) From day to day, the number of migrants diminished until only small minorities reached Syria and northern Mesopotamia. Here they were accommodated in concentration camps and they were left to die, there were still many thousands of them, from hunger, from thirst, from epidemics. It was more compassionate that whole staffs of the concentration camps were slaughtered in order to make room for the supplies.” (Saat, p. 111ff. )

“(…) The losses of the Armenian people since the dispatch in summer 1915 until today exceed 1 million. (…) There is no doubt that what has been done and is still being done to the Armenian people is the greatest crime in world history. Will the people of the Reformation accept the total annihilation of a Christian nation as a given?” wrote Ernst Christoffel on 26 March 1917 from Malatya to Pastor G. Stoevesandt in Berlin, asking him to make use of his letter. Johannes Lepsius published the document, written under the immediate impression of the genocide, in 1919 in his official collection of documents Deutschland und Armenien (Germany and Armenia)^[15]. Regarding the alleged guilt of the Armenians for their persecution, Christoffel said in the same letter: “(…) To attribute the responsibility to the Armenian revolutionary circles is nonsense. They were at fault from the Turkish point of view, not so from the Armenian point of view. The nation as such was not guilty. The Turkish government knows that as well as anyone here in the country. For us German missionaries it is unspeakably difficult that Germany is regarded by Christians and Muhammedans as the author of the atrocities. The view is nourished and strengthened from the Turkish side.“^[16]

“Officially, the Turkish government calls itself the author of the deportation. On 1 March 1916, it gave a note to the representations of foreign powers stating: ‘The allegation that these measures of the High Porte were suggested by certain foreign powers are baseless on the face of it…’” (Saat, p. 115 )

Overall, however, Christoffel tried to absolve Germany and the Turkish people of any co-responsibility for the genocide against the Armenians. In the first case the German nationalist spoke out of him, in the second case things were more complicated. “The Turkish people as such stood apart, not even the whole Young Turkish Party was involved. Rather, it is a small group within the party, the so-called Pantürkists, who are to be held responsible” (Tiefen, p. 67 ). After this statement, which incidentally contradicts both his own and Bauernfeind’s observations ⁽¹⁷⁾, he gets to the crux of the matter: “The path of approaching the Mohammedans through the mediation of the Oriental Christians has proved impracticable and must be abandoned. For the foreseeable future, the Oriental Christians will be prevented by an anti-Turkish chauvinism from a just judgment of the Turks. Whoever wants to serve the Mohammedans in a missionary way must henceforth address himself directly to them. I believe that a future task of the German mission will lie in this direction” (Tiefen, p. 124 ).

Subsequently, the Christoffel Mission for the Blind focused its work on the Mohammedan mission, which Christoffel hoped to carry out in Turkey by 1925.  He therefore concluded his writing Aus dunklen Tiefen (From the Dark Depths) with an appeal for sympathy for the Turks as future objects of the mission, trying to get the friends and supporters of his missionary society in the mood for the new task.

Christoffel is just as little as Bauernfeind to be accused of a philarmenian stance, but in contrast to his brother-in-law, Christoffel was not hostile to Armenians. His attitude towards the Armenians, who made up the largest part of his “Bethesda family”, his closest collaborators and most reliable helpers, is sometimes characterized by sympathy, but more often also by ambivalence and ultimately by missionary “necessities”.  Again, and in contrast to Bauernfeind, Christoffel strictly separated political and personal views and convictions from his self-evident duty to provide self-sacrificing humanitarian aid to the persecuted and needy. His credo was always: “In the case of a misfortune that befalls the host people of a missionary, the latter is equally affected. He cannot escape it, according to his whole attitude and his task. Thus, he is touched more than other people by the misery of mankind”. (Saat, p. 145 )